Bangladesh Nationalist Party

History

Background

Predecessors

Jatiyatabadi Ganatantrik Dal

On 22 February 1978, a new party, Jatiyatabadi Ganatantrik Dal (JAGODAL), was formed with Justice Abdus Sattar as the coordinator. Most of the prominent figures were from the advisory council that was running the country at that time. It was the first attempt to create a platform for the country's nationalists. Major General (retd) M. Majid ul Haq, Professor Syed Ali Ahsan, Shamsul Alam Chowdhury, A.Z.M. Enayetullah Khan, M. Hamidullah Khan, Jakaria Chowdhury, Professor Dr. M. R. Khan, and Saifur Rahman were prominent figures. JAGODAL was dissolved on 28 August 1978 to consolidate its membership under the Jatiyatabadi Front.

Jatiyatabadi Front

On 1 May 1978, the Jatiyatabadi Front or Nationalist Front was formed with Ziaur Rahman as the front's chief, and JAGODAL joined soon after its formation. A major portion of NAP (Bhashani) joined the front as well with Mashiur Rahman. The election symbol of NAP (Bhashani), a sheaf of paddy, would become the symbol of the BNP. Shah Azizur Rahman with some of his colleagues from Muslim League. Kazi Zafar Ahmed and a faction of the United Peoples Party, Maulana Matin with his Labour Party, and minority leader Rashraj Mandal with Tafsili Jati Federation also joined.

Ziaur Rahman was their candidate for the presidential election of 3 June 1978. Ziaur Rahman won the election, defeating M. A. G. Osmani of Ganatantrik Oikya Jote (United Democratic Alliance), which was backed by the Bangladesh Awami League.

Establishment

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was established on 1 September. The newly established party soon emerged as a "hotchpotch" of leftists, rightists, opportunists, and Pakistan-era establishmenterians.

The constitution of the party was drafted within 21 days of the formation with 76 members with Ziaur Rahman as the chief convener, M. Hamidullah Khan as the Executive Secretary and Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury was appointed as the Secretary-General.

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• Ziaur Rahman
• Justice Abdus Sattar
• Syed Masud Roomy
• Mashiur Rahman
• M. Hamidullah Khan
• Shah Azizur Rahman
• Mohammad Mohammadullah
• Abdul Halim Chowdhury
• Rashraj Mandal
• Abdul Momen Khan
• Mirza Ghulam Hafiz
• Major General (retd.) Majid-ul-Haq
• Brigadier (retd.) Nurul Islam Shishu
• Captain (retd.) Nurul Huq
• Mohammad Saifur Rahman
• K. M. Obaidur Rahman
• Moudud Ahmed
• Shamsul Huda Chaudhury
• A.Z.M. Enayetullah Khan
• S. A. Bari
• Dr. Amina Rahman
• Abdur Rahman
• Dr. M. A. Matin
• Abdul Alim
• Barrister Abul Hasnat
• Anwar Hossain Manju
• Jamal Uddin Ahmed
• Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury
• Nur Mohammad Khan
• Abdul Karim
• Shamsul Bari
• Mojibur Rahman
• Dr. Faridul Huda
• Sheikh Ali Ashraf
• Abdur Rahman Biswas
• Barrister Abdul Huq
• Imran Ali Sarker
• Dewan Sirajul Huq
• Emdadur Rahman
• M. Afsar Uddin
• Kabir Chowdhury
• Dr. M. R. Khan
• Captain (Retd.) Sujat Ali
• Tushar Kanti Baroi
• Sunil Kumar Gupta
• Anisur Rahman
• Abul Kashem
• Mansur Ali Sarker
• Abdul Hamid Chowdhury
• Mansur Ali
• Julmat Ali Khan
• Nazmul Huda
• Mahbub Ahmed
• Abu Said Khan
• Mohammad Ismail
• Sirajul Huq Mantu
• Shah Badrul Huq
• Abdur Rauf
• Morsheduzzaman
• Jahir Uddin Khan
• Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury
• Toriqul Islam
• Anwarul H Khan Chowdhury
• Moin Uddin Khan
• M. A. Sattar
• Haji Jalal
• Ahmed Ali Mandal
• Shahed Ali
• Abdul Wadud
• Shah Abdul Halim
• Muhammad Jamiruddin Sircar
• Atauddin Khan
• Abdur Razzaq Chowdhury
• Ahmed Ali

During this time, it attracted a large pool of supporters and activists who joined the newly formed student wing and youth wing. After the formation of the government, the first executive committee of the party was declared. A national standing committee was formed as the highest decision-making forum of the party with 12 members.

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• Ziaur Rahman
• Abdus Sattar
• Shah Azizur Rahman
• Major General (Retd.) Majid-ul-Haq
• Abdur Razzaq Chowdhury
• Sheikh Razzak Ali
• Barrister Muhammad Jamiruddin Sircar
• Ekramul Huq
• Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury
• Syed Mahibul Hasan
• Amina Rahman
• A.S.M. Yusuf
• Barrister Nazmul Huda

A youth wing was formed in September 1978, which was named Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Jubo Dal with Abul Kashem as its chief convener. The Dhaka unit convener was Saifur Rahman. Within a couple of months, the central executive committee of Jubo Dal was declared with Abul Kashem and Saifur Rahman as the President and general secretary respectively. Mirza Abbas became the Dhaka unit President with Kamruzzaman Ayat Ali as the Secretary-General.

Early years (1979–1982)

The BNP formed its first government after the 1979 Bangladesh general election. The first session of the parliament was on 2 April 1979. It elected Shah Azizur Rahman as prime minister and leader of the parliament. Mirza Ghulam Hafiz was elected as the speaker of the parliament. Asaduzzaman Khan from the Awami League became the leader of the opposition.

On 30 May 1981, the founder of the party, President Ziaur Rahman, was assassinated in the Chittagong Circuit House by a small group of military officials. After the assassination of Ziaur Rahman, large crowds started protesting in major cities, including Dhaka and Chittagong. The funeral of Ziaur Rahman became a huge event with the participation of millions of people in Dhaka.

In the 1981 Bangladeshi presidential election, Abdus Sattar was elected. He formed the National Security Council to involve the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Meanwhile, Vice President Mirza Nurul Huda resigned from his post in March 1982.

Struggle for democracy (1982–1990)

Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad thwarted the elected government of Justice Sattar on 24 March 1982 and replaced him with Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury. The BNP was thrown out of power. Many of its leaders were imprisoned, including former Minister S.A. Bari, Saifur Rahman, Habibullah Khan, Tanvir Ahmed Siddiqui, Atauddin Khan, Jamal Uddin Ahmed, K.M. Obaidur Rahman, Abul Hasnat, and Moudud Ahmed. 233 BNP leaders were arrested from March to July 1982.

7-Party Alliance

From 1983, Begum Khaleda Zia became the de facto decision-maker of the party. Under her leadership, the BNP formed a new anti-government alliance against the autocratic Ershad regime. It was named after the number of parties with it, the 7-party alliance.

The BNP launched a massive anti-government movement after coordinating with the Awami League-led 15-party alliance in September 1983. The 7-Party Alliance arranged a mass gathering and called a nationwide strike on 1 November 1983. The strike had successful results. After that, the alliance called to surround the Secretariat on 28 November 1983 along with the 15-Party Alliance. Thousands of BNP activists led by then Executive Secretary (later designated Office Secretary) M. Hamidullah Khan, surrounded the secretariat building at Paltan and made a large hole in the southern corner of the boundary wall of the building. The police retaliated with indiscriminate firing of live bullets. M. Hamidullah Khan was arrested on 3 November in the afternoon from his residence at Dhaka Cantonment. A ban on political activities was imposed that night, and Khaleda Zia was kept under house arrest. The government was severely shaken at its core. A long curfew and ban on politics were imposed.

On 29 February 1984, Ershad declared that the ban on politics would be lifted on 26 March and on 27 May, both the presidential and national elections would be held. The 7-Party Alliance asked for the national election before the presidential election. After lifting the ban, Khaleda Zia attended an extended meeting of the party on 1 April, where she was made the acting chairperson of the party. In May, the Chairperson Justice Sattar resigned, and Khaleda Zia was made the chairperson of the party.

Under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, the first major step BNP took was to expel leaders like Shah Azizur Rahman, Moudud Ahmed, AKM Maidul Islam, Abdul Alim, and Barrister Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury from the party. These leaders formed a committee with Shah Aziz as the President and AKM Maidul Islam as the general secretary. This faction later joined the Jatiya Front and Jatiya Party.

On 23 September 1984, while addressing a rally in Bogra, 10 to 12 handmade grenades were thrown at the rally, and some of them were aimed at the stage, where Khaleda Zia was giving her speech. Khaleda Zia narrowly escaped injury while eleven members of her party received severe injuries. A nationwide strike was called in protest at this attack on 22 and 27 December. The government imposed a ban on political activities on those days to foil the strike, but it was largely ignored. Two people, including a student leader from Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal, died when police fired on a crowd on 22 December.

The government, amid protests, held upazila elections on 15 May 1985 in 251 upazilas (subdistricts) and on 20 May in 209 subdistricts. The election was marked by rigging, stuffing, snatching of ballots and electoral fraud. Ershad's newly formed Janadal (People's Party) fielded 190 candidates, with 190 of them emerging victorious. Though BNP struggled because of government repression, it got 46 of its leaders as subdistrict chairmen, while the Awami League fared worse with 41 subdistrict chairmen.

In 1985, BNP's student wing Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal formed Shongrami Chatra Jote with Chatra League (Awranga), Chatra League (Pradhan) and five other student organisations and started its resistance against Ershad.

1986 general election

In March 1986, Ershad declared that a national election would be held on 26 April. Both the 7-Party Alliance led by BNP and the 15-Party Alliance led by the Awami League declared a boycott of the election on 17 March. Both called a joint rally on 21 March and a nationwide strike on 22 March as the immediate program to thwart the forthcoming election.

The night before the nationwide strike on 22 March, the Awami League called a meeting of the 15-Party Alliance, but Sheikh Hasina refused to take part in the meeting. In the meeting, the majority of the parties, including the Awami League, were in favour of the election. General Khalilur Rahman of Awami League maintained close contact with the army headquarters during the meeting that night. Sheikh Hasina was discussing with General Khalil periodically.

On the final hours of 21 March 1986, Sheikh Hasina announced that the Awami League and her alliance would participate in the election. Five parties of the alliance parted ways from the Awami League after the announcement and decided to boycott the election. BNP and the 7-Party Alliance and the newly formed 5-Party alliance of leftists started campaigning against the election; meanwhile, Awami League and Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh joined the election.

The election was largely boycotted. BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia mobilised a large pool of political parties and their leaders behind her to boycott the election. Apart from the BNP-led 7-Party Alliance and leftist 5-Party Alliance, 17 more parties including BNP (Shah Aziz), Samajbadi Dal (Nirmal Sen), Democratic League (Moshtaq), Democratic League (Oli Ahad), Islamic Democratic League, Islami Andolon (M. A. Jalil), Janata Party, Jatiya Ganatantrik Party, Labour Party (Maolana Matin), Muslim League (Kamruzzaman), Progatishil Ganatantrik Shakti and so on.

Zia reiterated that the BNP would participate only if:

1. The fundamental rights are restored
2. All political prisoners are released
3. All convictions of politicians by the military courts are cancelled

The anti-election alliance under the BNP called for a nationwide strike on election day. Unrest, voting fraud and malpractices marked the election day, according to the opposition parties. Both the Awami League and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami conceded a humiliating defeat in the election.

General Hussain Muhammad Ershad got himself elected on 15 October 1986. Prior to the election, Khaleda Zia was put under house arrest on 13 October.

In a joint declaration, the two alliances called for the "Siege Dhaka" program on 10 November 1987. The government imposed a ban on public gatherings ahead of the program, which was defied on the day and during the program, the capital of the country virtually went under the control of the opposition alliances. This incident infuriated the opposition and a nationwide protest was called on the following day. The government came hard-handed, and both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina were put under house arrest on 11 October. Both parties and their partners in the movement declared frequent nationwide strikes for the next days until the end of the year.

1988 general election

BNP was determined not to join the poll under the Ershad regime and decided to boycott the general election of 1988 after the abolishment of the previous parliament. The election was held on 3 March without the participation of any popular party or alliance; rather, a combined opposition was led by ASM Abdur Rab. BNP called a nationwide protest on election day and declared they would resist the election.

On the advice of Dr. Badruddoza Chowdhury, BNP chief Zia, on 21 June 1988, suspended the national standing committee and executive committee of the party for various reasons, including the failure to strengthen the party's leaders. During this opportunity, former military officers were also removed from leadership positions within the party. M. Hamidullah Khan was relieved from his post as Executive Secretary. On 3 July 1988, Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder, a distinguished lawyer, was assigned to the post of Secretary General of the party instead of KM Obaidur Rahman. Soon after the removal of Obaidur, he, with Jamal Uddin Ahmed and Abul Hasnat, formed a new party with the same name. On 17 July of the same year, Shah Azizur Rahman dissolved the BNP faction with him and joined the party with his followers on 26 August. Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder restructured the BNP, making it a stronger political platform that thrived through a critical time with a goal to topple Ershad's regime.

1990 mass uprising

Main article: 1990 Mass Uprising in Bangladesh

The movement against Ershad started gaining momentum in October 1990. The BNP-led 7-party alliance, the Awami League-led 8-party alliance and the Leftist 5-party alliance started a movement to usurp Ershad on 10 October 1990 and declared a nationwide strike on that day. The strike claimed 5 lives, including three BNP activists who were rallying in front of the central office of the Jatiya Party when Jatiya Party cadres opened fire on the crowd.

On 28 November, the opposition parties, including BNP and its student wing, defied the curfew and state of emergency and came out with large processions. The curfew and state of emergency were the last resort for Ershad, which became ineffective by the end of November 1990. On 3 December, the protests became more violent, and many died. Bombs were hurled at the Army Welfare Building, the Sena Kalyan Bhaban at Motijheel. From 27 November to 3 December, more than fifty protesters died. On 4 December, the mass uprising took place, and Ershad declared his resignation.

Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU), which has always been a centre of all popular movements in the history of Bangladesh, came under the control of Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal after the election of 3 June 1990. The Amanullah Aman-Khairul Kabir Khokan panel backed by Chatra Dal won all the posts and took the lead of the students' movement in the University of Dhaka.

The Chatra Dal-led DUCSU committee allied with all existing student groups on the campus, Sarbadaliya Chatra Oikya Parishad (All-party Students Alliance Council) and staged a demonstration on 1 October 1990. The protests turned violent after the police firing on a rally of Chatra Dal on 10 October that claimed the life of Naziruddin Jehad, a Chatra Dal leader from Sirajganj who came to Dhaka to join the rally against Ershad.

The series of student protests compelled the Ershad regime to think about a safe exit.

On 7 December 1989, the BNP-supported White panel of teachers got the highest number of Deans elected from their panel, including Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury, Professor S M Faiz, Assistant Professor M. Anwar Hossain and Associate Professor Humayun Ahmed.

The pro-BNP white panel of teachers, which dominated the Dhaka University Teachers Association, declared an all-out movement against the Ershad regime in 1990. All the teachers decided to resign from their posts on 29 November and confirmed their decision not to return to classes until the fall of Ershad. The firm reaction from the teachers jeopardised the Ershad regime.

After the fall of Ershad, because of the commitment to the national interest, the White panel of teachers won a decisive victory on 24 December 1990 in the election of the Dhaka University Teachers Association once again, with Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury as the President of the association, with Professor M. Anwar Hossain as the general secretary.

First Khaleda premiership (1991–1996)

The first Khaleda ministry was the country's government during the 5th legislative session of the Jatiya Sangsad following the 1991 Bangladeshi general election. It began on 20 March 1991 and but had to be sworn in again on 19 September after the 12th constitutional amendment took effect following a constitutional referendum. In accordance to the amendment, all executive powers were transferred from the president to the prime minister and thus Khaleda Zia became the first female head of government of Bangladesh.

The second Khaleda ministry was the country's government during the 6th legislative sessions of the Jatiya Sangsad following the February 1996 general election, boycotted by most of the opposition parties. The cabinet took oath in a hurry on 19 March 1996 amid hartals and protests from the opposition parties for a new election under a Caretaker Government.

The cabinet passed the Constitutional Amendment Bill in the sitting parliament to establish a neutral Caretaker Government system in Bangladesh. The second Khaleda ministry was short-lived; lasting only 12 days, the ministry transferred power to the caretaker government led by Muhammad Habibur Rahman on 30 March 1996, and an election was scheduled for June 1996.

In opposition (1996–2001)

Second Khaleda premiership (2001–2006)

The third Khaleda ministry was the ministry that served during the 8th legislative session of the Jatiya Sangsad following the 2001 general election. The cabinet took office on 10 October 2001 and left office on 29 October 2006. The BNP led by Zia returned to power, defeating Hasina's Awami League.

2006–2008 political crisis

Main article: 2006–2008 Bangladeshi political crisis

The military-backed government promised to tackle the longstanding problems of corruption, filing charges against more than 160 politicians, civil servants and businessmen in 2007. Among those charged were Khaleda Zia and her two sons, as well as Sheikh Hasina, leader of the Awami League.

The Bangladesh Election Commission invited Hafizuddin's faction, rather than Khaleda Zia's, to participate in talks, effectively recognising the former as the legitimate BNP. Zia challenged this in court, but her appeal was rejected on 10 April 2008. After her release later that year, Zia was restored to her position as party leader.

2008 general election

Main article: 2008 Bangladesh general election

In the general election, the 4-party alliance led by the BNP won 33 seats out of 299 constituencies, with the BNP alone securing just 30. Sheikh Hasina then succeeded Zia as prime minister, ending the BNP's tenure in government.

In opposition (2009–2026)

Main article: The 5th National Council of Bangladesh Nationalist Party

After sanctions by the Election Commission, the party held country-wide events for local leaders to play an active role in the national party. The BNP National Council empowered re-elected party chairperson Khaleda Zia to pick other members for the National Executive Committee and Standing Committee. It elected her eldest son, Tarique Rahman, to the powerful post as Senior vice-chairman, in a "move apparently designed to smooth his path to the party helm."

After several movements in a period of severe political unrest between 2012 and 2014 to prevent the ruling party from holding the 10th general election in January 2014 without a neutral caretaker government, Khaleda led BNP and its allies in a boycott of the election. Incidents of violence were reported on polling day, including the bombing of election centres, which the BNP and its allies were accused of. Over 100 people were killed in violent clashes surrounding the 2016 union council elections between Awami League and BNP supporters. In 2016, the BNP announced its new National Standing Committee, in which Khaleda retained her position as chairperson. New members were recruited while some older members were removed, and various new strategies for party operation were formulated. In May 2017, Khaleda revealed BNP's Vision 2030 to gain public support for the next general elections. However the ruling Awami League government denounced Vision 2030 as an act of plagiarism of Awami League's Vision 2021 which they used in the ninth general election and claimed most of the targets in the Visions were fulfilled by Awami League, thus declaring BNP's Vision 2030 as unoriginal. BNP also announced it will hold processions to hold the next general elections under a neutral government. This renewed tensions between the BNP and the Awami League.

2018 general election

On 8 February 2018, Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman, as per the court verdict, were jailed for 5 and 10 years respectively due to involvement in the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case. While Tarique was in exile, Khaleda was imprisoned in the old Dhaka Central Jail on Nazimuddin Road. In protest, the BNP held nationwide demonstrations, which were foiled by a well-prepared police force across the nation. A large number of BNP activists were arrested during clashes with the police during the protests against Khaleda's imprisonment. Due to the verdict, Zia was declared ineligible to run for any constituency.

On 9 October 2018, the government of Bangladesh formed a nine-member group to detect and monitor rumours on social media sites such as Facebook. Tarana Halim said the group's goal was to ensure that "people [have] the right information only." Two months later, approximately 30 accounts linked to the spreading of fictitious news reports regarding the BNP were blocked from Facebook and Twitter.

After the jailing of chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia, BNP expedited the process of forging a national unity with prominent leaders of the country. In October 2018, the party formally announced its joining of Jatiya Oikya Front with Dr. Kamal Hossain at its forefront.

There was controversy in the run-up to the 2018 elections surrounding the nomination of banned Jamaat candidates under the BNP banner. In 2013, Jamaat-e-Islami was banned from registering and therefore contesting in elections by the High Court, citing their charter in violation of the constitution. However, 25 Jamaat candidates ran in the election, with 22 nominations for BNP and 3 running as independents. An investigation was launched but on 23 December, the Election Commission Secretary Helaluddin Ahmed said they had examined the related law and "there is no scope for rejecting the Jamaat leaders' candidacy at this moment." On 26 December, just days before the election, Jatiya Oikya Front leader Kamal Hossain expressed his regret about Jamaat's involvement in the elections under his alliance, claiming "had I known [that Jamaat leaders will be given BNP tickets] I would not have been part of it." The media, however, had reported at the end of November that this was happening.

Not being able to contest herself, Zia's BNP won 7 seats and nearly 12 percent of the vote at the 2018 general election.

2024 and 2026 general elections

On 26 March 2020, Zia's prison sentence was suspended for six months amid the COVID-19 pandemic, and she was granted a conditional release because she received medical treatment within the country and did not travel abroad. The six-month suspension has been granted for a total of six consecutive times, with the most recent one being on 18 September 2022. Since Zia's release, the BNP campaigned for her unconditional release and for the ruling government to allow her to travel abroad.

In preparation for the 2024 general election, the BNP launched a series of rallies which advocated for the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the return of the caretaker government. During a rally held in Dhaka on 10 December 2022, seven BNP lawmakers announced their resignation from the current government in demands of the dissolution of parliament, the formation of a new election commission, and allowing the election to be held under a neutral caretaker government. The party ended up boycotting the election, as they assumed that the election commission under the incumbent government were unable to organise a free and fair election.

The BNP actively supported the 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement. Later, it joined the Non-cooperation movement against the government.

After the July Revolution, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia was set free. Following her release, she offered a speech to the nation after six years of imprisonment. After interim government was formed, the party demanded for democratic elections. Her son, Tarique Rahman, returned to Bangladesh in December 2025. On 30 December 2025, Khaleda Zia passed away from prolonged illness. On 9 January 2026, Tarique Rahman became the chairman of Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

Ideology

Bangladesh Nationalist Party is a big tent party that has been cited as being on the centre{{refn|{{cite news |last=Tushar |first=Sarwar |date=20 January 2025 |script-title=bn:গণপরিষদ নির্বাচন নাকি সংসদ নির্বাচন: বিতর্কটা আসলে কোথায়?

BNP was originally formed when a political vacuum was occurring in Bangladesh, mainly resulting from the coups–countercoups of 1975. As a result, after the withdrawal of military rule, various politicians, regardless of party and ideological affiliation, joined the newly formed BNP to return to mainstream politics. Many of them had contradictory ideologies to each other, including politicians from various Islamist parties to "pro-China left and NAP". Canadian-Bangladeshi analyst Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed called early BNP "a coalition of convenience rather than ideology". Many political experts, including Ahmed, believe that since BNP was born after Awami League was overthrown, the BNP was an attempt to establish a position in areas where Awami League was moderate.

Concerning the ideology, Syed Manjurul Islam, a professor of the English department at Dhaka University, stated,

According to the political analyst Maruf Mallick, BNP was founded as a centre-left, liberal and social democratic political party and the party's early political and economic policy was inspired by the Western European social liberal politics.

Senior BNP leader Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain said about BNP's ideology,

Nationalism

Main article: Bangladeshi nationalism

Bangladeshi nationalism is the central ideology of the party. It was adopted from the 19-point program, which declared, "The sovereignty and independence of Bangladesh, golden fruits of the historic liberation struggle, is our sacred trust and inviolable right." According to its founder Ziaur Rahman, the "Bangladeshi" identity, based on its history, traditions, culture and geographical territory, is different from the neighbouring nations and unique to itself. Maruf Mallick argued that Zia wanted to move away from "narrow minded" ethnic and religious nationalism and wanted to create the identity of the citizens on the basis of the state, basically on the model of Western or Northern European countries. BNP's declaration supports a populism based on nationalism.

Economy

The party fiscally called itself socialist, and claim to have practiced "people's democracy". Founding principles of the party included social and economic justice in light of socialism. But pragmatically, BNP promotes economic liberalism and supports a free-market economy with limited intervention. Ziaur Rahman believed that the previous socialist-influenced economy had been in a poor shape because of "years of colonial-style exploitation". To abate the deteriorating conditions, a revamp of the economic system is required. According to Mubashar Hasan, this new economic system was primarily an "outline for a capitalist system". According to Mallick, early BNP was inspired by the European social liberal policies which supported equal distribution of wealth and social welfare but opposed strong economic regulatory policies of its predecessor Awami League.

Religion

BNP's position on religion remains complicated and changed over time. The founding manifesto of the BNP claims that the people of Bangladesh want to "...see that all-out faith and confidence in the almighty Allah, democracy, nationalism". Although the party does not officially call itself Islamic, its official website states that the party aims to "preserve the age old human values of the Bangladeshi people through the teaching of Islam–religion of the majority of Bangladeshi people and other religions". At the same time, the party also promotes religious freedom and tolerance as a component of Bangladeshi nationalism. Many founding leaders of the party were non-Muslims. Ziaur Rahman rejected theocracy as the governing system for Bangladesh.

In recent times, there were several instances where party were seemed to depict itself secular, such as claims by their leaders, discrediting religious scriptures to politics, and vowing to uphold the secular identity of the country. In 2018, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir stated that BNP doesn't believe in Shariah law as well as rejecting fundamentalism. After the July Revolution, the party was also seen uninterested to align with its longtime political partner Jamaat-e-Islami and formally cut off ties in August 2024. The party has also shown signs of shifting away from its traditional moderate Islamic values, adopting positions that appear more aligned with secular political principles. Despite this, BNP publicly denies being secular or pluralist.

According to Mallick, BNP is not a religion-based party in a traditional sense and it has a moderate stance on religion. BNP's stance for conservatism represents "a mixture of traditional Bengali customs and moderate Islam". Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed opined:

BNP joint secretary Syed Emran Saleh Prince described the party as a "religion-friendly political party", while rejecting religion-based politics. He stated the party believes in religious values, religious freedom, "trust and faith in Almighty Allah", and communal harmony. Speaking of BNP's position, he said:

Voter base

Being a big tent party, the BNP generally tries to appeal and secure support from different communities, classes and occupations. However, for historical and ideological reasons, some "core group" of supporters always support the party. According to the political scientist Rounaq Jahan, the BNP was "founded with greater support from the urban and higher income groups, particularly civil and military bureaucracy and business community."

A June 2025 survey conducted by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on the Bangladeshis aged between 15 and 35 found that the BNP's projected vote share was higher than any other parties in the country; and comparatively high among the young males and the urban younths of the country, comparing with the young females and the rural youths, respectively. The survey found that 38.78% youths intended to vote the BNP in 2026 general election; while 40% males and 37.03% females, and 37.72% rural and 39.77% urban youths intended to vote the party.

Policies

Domestic policy

In 1978, President Zia amended the constitution which gave the president more effective control over the cabinet and parliament. After the 1979 parliamentary election, Zia formed a cabinet where civil–military bureaucrats dominated. Apart from the cabinet, they also dominated the secretariat, the National Economic Council (NEC), the planning commission and the public corporations. During this period, BNP emerged as a multi-dimensional "umbrella" party.

Upon taking power, Ziaur Rahman introduced a state-sponsored Islamization process that had a significant impact on Bangladeshi society and culture. His government replaced secularism with the phrase "absolute faith and trust in Almighty Allah" as a fundamental principle through the fifth amendment to the constitution. His government also adopted a conservative family planning programme to control population growth.{{cite web

The BNP has focused on the emancipation of socially backward and marginalized people, such as the women, the Bedes, the Dalits, the Harijans and the transgenders etc. During Begum Khaleda Zia's first term, her government carried out significant reform in the education sector and national curricula and to encourage female and universal education. Primary education was made free and compulsory and budget allocated to this sector was sharply increased. These reforms were recognized internationally.

The BNP is also notable for being the only major party — compared to the Awami League and Jamaat-e-Islami — whose constitution explicitly references women as a labor force. The 2008 BNP constitution commits "to make appropriate and proper use of human resources including labour power of women."

Economic policy

During the Mujib era, the state development strategy envolved every possible way to the extension of protectionism. After Zia's ascension to the power, new strategy was taken to encourage private enterprise with a primary goal of maximization of GNP growth rate. Zia's government revised the First Five-Year Plan (1973–1978) taken by the Mujib government and formulated a "Three year hard core plan" for remaining three years. This was followed by the Two-Year Plan (1978–80) and the Second Five Year Plan (1980–85). Ziaur Rahman gave special importance to the development of agriculture. He also planned an integrated collective farming system.

In parallel, the BNP promoted women's economic empowerment by facilitating access to low-interest loans, supporting entrepreneurship training, and implementing measures to remove social and cultural barriers. The party's Vision 2030 highlights the goal of integrating women fully into all sectors of economic activity, reflecting its commitment to enhancing women's participation in national development. During its tenure, the BNP implemented policies providing favorable loans and tax incentives to women entrepreneurs, and promoted small and cottage industries where women's participation is significant.

Foreign policy

The main objective of BNP's foreign policy is to maintain good relationships with the Western world, the Muslim World and the Third World, as well as to maintain a balanced relationship with India.

BNP has been described as being sceptical to India many times. After Ziaur Rahman became the president, his government started to distance themselves from India and foreign policy was initiated against Indo-Soviet axis. Some sources say that the Indo-Bangladesh relations were at their worst in memory during Rahman's presidency. On 11 December 1991, in an interview with The Hindu, then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said, "We do not want to see the rise of any major power [India] in this region, because it will disturb the peace, stability and balance in this region". Even in 2024, some of the BNP leaders, including Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, joined the "Boycott India" campaign. However in August 2024, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed a desire to "move past previous differences and collaborate", assuring India that the BNP would not permit activities that would threaten India's security, but stated that relations would decline if India did not extradite Hasina. Many BNP leaders opined that good relationship with India was necessary for keeping stability in the internal politics of Bangladesh.

Ziaur Rahman's government focused on the strengthening of its relationship with the Muslim world and the Arab world. His government amended the Constitution adding articles 25(1) and 25(2) declaring the establishment of brotherhood with the Muslim countries. Following his predecessor Mostaq, his government continued the close relationship with Pakistan. His government even abandoned secularism and socialism in favour of building good ties with the Muslim countries.

Besides, Ziaur Rahman facilitated the investment of Western capital in the country by taking liberal economic measures. His government improved relations with United States and China.

BNP government's foreign policy during the third premiership of Khaleda Zia between 2001 and 2006 was called "Look East Foreign Policy". In 2002, Prime Minister Zia visited Thailand, Myanmar and China and met with the leaders of those countries to expand Bangladesh's foreign policy to the east.

National Standing Committee

The National Standing Committee is the highest policy-making standing committee of the BNP. As of 16 August 2024, standing committee members are as follows:

Controversies

Main article: 2004 Dhaka grenade attack, 2004 arms and ammunition haul in Chittagong, 2005 Bangladesh bombings, Hawa Bhaban, Corruption in Bangladesh#Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Murder of Lal Chand Sohag

Allegations of corruption and patronage

During the periods the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was in power, specifically from 1991 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2006 under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, allegations of various types of corruption surfaced, including the embezzlement of funds through charitable trusts and government contracts, many of which were subsequently proven. In the Zia Charitable Trust case filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission in August 2011, Khaleda Zia and her associates were accused of diverting approximately 2.14 crore BDT (about 250,000 USD at that time) from a trust fund designated for orphans and the poor towards personal assets, such as purchasing land for party activities; she was convicted in 2018 and sentenced to five years in prison, but the High Court acquitted her in 2024. Similarly, in a case filed in 2008 regarding the embezzlement of 3.15 crore BDT from the Zia Orphanage Trust for unauthorized expenses, Khaleda Zia was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2016, which the Supreme Court overturned in January 2025. As a result, she was exonerated from the remaining corruption charges, paving the way for her potential participation in elections. BNP leaders have consistently described these legal proceedings as politically motivated trials orchestrated by the rival Awami League government. Additional allegations were brought forward targeting infrastructure and procurement contracts during the 2001–2006 tenure. For instance, the GATCO case was filed in September 2007 against Khaleda Zia and 14 others for causing a loss of 1.45 billion (145 crore) BDT to the state by rigging tenders for gas infrastructure contracts to favour allies; although these investigations were initiated during the military-backed caretaker government in 2007, they yielded mixed judicial results in the face of claims regarding the weakness of evidence. Bangladesh's low ranking during the BNP regime was reflected in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. In 2001, the score was 15 out of 100, which improved slightly to stand at 26 by 2006. While this attributed structural corruption to elite capture by all parties, specific BNP-related scandals further entrenched the perception of nepotism in the allocation of state resources. It is alleged that during the BNP regime, patronage networks consolidated party loyalty through the appointment of family members and associates to key government positions.

Connection to militancy and violence

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has faced allegations of indirect links to Islamist militancy. These allegations primarily stem from the party's electoral alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), an Islamist party with historical ties to extremist elements. Formed in 1999, this alliance culminated in the Four-Party Alliance's victory in the 2001 parliamentary elections. During the tenure of the BNP-Jamaat government from October 2001 to November 2006, Islamist militant activity in Bangladesh increased significantly. This included coordinated attacks by groups such as Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and its affiliate, Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB). These groups claimed responsibility for over 450 low-intensity bomb blasts across 63 districts of the country on 17 August 2005, with the aim of establishing Sharia rule. Critics, including security analysts in their reports, have blamed the expansion of this militancy on indirect patronage or lax law enforcement by the BNP-led authorities. Despite international pressure, they were initially hesitant to dismantle the militant networks. As a result, individuals such as JMJB leader Siddiqul Islam (known as Bangla Bhai) were able to operate with alleged local protection in BNP strongholds in northwestern Bangladesh until their arrest in March 2006. These allegations suggest that the BNP was tolerant of banned groups involved in previous violence, such as the 2007 bombings. Assessments by the South Asia Terrorism Portal have noted that Bangladesh provided sanctuary to Islamist extremists during the BNP's tenure. Although the BNP government eventually authorized the arrest and execution of JMB leaders following the 2005 attacks and subsequent bombings that killed judges and officials, international observers and succeeding Awami League governments argued that this delay helped consolidate the militants' base. They argued that this delay was likely fuelled by political calculations to counter secular opponents. Immigration reviews by the US Department of Justice have highlighted the BNP's promotion of Islamism through its alliance with Jamaat. Beyond militancy, the BNP is also implicated in broader political violence. This violence often occurs through their grassroots affiliate organizations, such as the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (student wing) and Jubo Dal (youth wing). According to Human Rights Watch documentation, these organizations have been involved in armed intimidation, clashes, and enforcing strikes since the 1990s. Examples include violent blockades and arson during the BNP-led opposition movement in 2013–2015, and pre-election skirmishes in 2024. Hundreds of people have been injured and killed in clashes between party activists in these incidents.

Election results

Presidential elections

Jatiya Sangsad elections

Citations

Notes

References

Bibliography

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