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Alliance

Coalition made between two or more parties to secure common interests

Alliance

Coalition made between two or more parties to secure common interests

Allies Day, May 1917, [[National Gallery of Art

An alliance is a relationship among people, groups, or states that have joined together for mutual benefit or to achieve some common purpose, whether or not an explicit agreement has been worked out among them. Members of an alliance are called allies. Alliances form in many settings, including political alliances, military alliances, and business alliances.

Examples

When spelled with a capital "A", "the Allies" usually denotes the countries who fought together against the Central Powers in World War I (the Allies of World War I), or those who fought against the Axis Powers in World War II (the Allies of World War II).

In the second half of the 20th century, the Cold War was characterised by the intense rivalry between the military alliances of NATO and the Warsaw Pact, as each competed to expand and maintain their spheres of influence.

More recently, the term "Allied forces" has also been used to describe the coalition of the Gulf War, as opposed to forces the Multi-National Forces in Iraq which are commonly referred to as "Coalition forces" or, as by the George W. Bush administration, "the coalition of the willing".

At the onset of the 21st century, shifts in the global order led to the formation of new alliances rooted in ideological and historical precedents, exemplified by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). This alliance possesses a broad and vaguely defined agenda, with its members exhibiting varying degrees of commitment to and motivations for participating in this initiative. The inaugural BRICS meeting occurred in 2006. In 2023, the alliance expanded with the invitation of six new members—Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—and was rebranded as BRICS Plus.

Effects

Scholars are divided as to the impact of alliances. Several studies find that defensive alliances deter conflict. One study questions these findings, showing that alliance commitments deterred conflict in the prenuclear era but has no statistically meaningful impact on war in the postnuclear era. Another study finds that while alliance commitments deter conflict between sides with a recent history of conflict, alliances tend to provoke conflicts between states without such a history.

A 2000 study in the Journal of Conflict Resolution found that allies fulfill their alliance commitments approximately 75% of the time. Most research suggests that democracies are more reliable allies than non-democracies. A 2004 study did however question whether alliance commitments by democracies are more durable. A 2018 study updated and extended the data from the 2000 Journal of Conflict Resolution study and found that allies only fulfill their commitments about 50% of the time from 1816 to 2003. According to the study, "States honored their alliance commitments 66% of the time prior to 1945 but the compliance rate drops to 22% from 1945 to 2003. Moreover, the rates of fulfillment for defense pacts (41%) and nonaggression pacts (37%) are dramatically lower than offensive alliances (74%) and neutrality agreements (78%)."

One of the most profound effects of alliances can be seen in technological innovation, due to conduits of knowledge flows that are open between allies but closed between rivals.

International opinion

Map indicating international preferences for principal ally in the case a country were attacked, as of 2017.

According to a 2017 poll by WIN/GIA, the United States was the most preferred ally internationally. Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China (CRINK), who preferred one another, both trailed America globally. Four countries, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovenia and Turkey, preferred Russia, despite being members of NATO.

In Pakistan, 72% of respondents preferred ties to China, the largest margin of any country surveyed, while 46% of Bangladesh preferred India. A total of 22 countries indicated a preference for the United Kingdom at a rate of 10% or more, but the United States was the only country to prefer Britain over any other, at a rate of 43%. Five countries preferred France at a rate of 10% or more, led by Belgium at a rate of 25%. A single country, Iraq, expressed no preference, while three other countries, Lebanon, Palestine, and Slovenia, expressed no preference at a rate of 11% or more, although at a smaller rate than their preference for Russia on the part of Lebanon and Slovenia, and China on the part of Palestine. Kosovo reported the most unified opinion, preferring the United States at a rate of 92%, while Russia's most unified supporters were Mongolia (71%), Armenia (67%) and Serbia (56%). In total, 21 countries expressed a preference for America at a rate of 50% or more.

Country polledRussiaUnited StatesUnited KingdomChinaIndiaFrancenone
Mongolia
Armenia
Serbia
Greece
China
Bulgaria
Ukraine
Slovenia
Latvia
Lebanon
Turkey
North Macedonia
Mexico
Peru
Iran
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Vietnam
India
Finland
Romania
South Africa
Albania
Kosovo
South Korea
Papua New Guinea
Israel
Philippines
Japan
Canada
Ghana
United Kingdom
Ecuador
Lithuania
Paraguay
Brazil
France
Spain
Denmark
Fiji
Norway
Australia
Poland
Germany
Italy
Nigeria
Portugal
Afghanistan
Iceland
Thailand
Argentina
Ireland
Indonesia
Czech Republic
Sweden
Estonia
Belgium
Austria
Congo DR
Palestine
United States
Iraq
Pakistan
Bangladesh
Russia

References

Bibliography

References

  1. (2025-07-16). "Definition of THE ALLIES".
  2. (2025-07-09). "Cold War {{!}} Dates, Definition, Timeline, Summary, Era, & Facts {{!}} Britannica".
  3. Do Vale, Helder Ferreira, et al. "Member Countries' Level of Commitment to BRICS: Measurements and Propositions." Changing the Global Political Economy: BRICS Countries and Alternative Relations Strategies, edited by Ayfer Gedikli, et al., IGI Global, 2025, pp. 49–92. https://doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-7393-4.ch002
  4. (2014-10-01). "To Concede or to Resist? The Restraining Effect of Military Alliances". International Organization.
  5. (2016-11-10). "Theory, Data, and Deterrence: A Response to Kenwick, Vasquez, and Powers". The Journal of Politics.
  6. (2011-01-01). "Defense Pacts: A Prescription for Peace?1". Foreign Policy Analysis.
  7. Leeds, Brett Ashley. (2003-07-01). "Do Alliances Deter Aggression? The Influence of Military Alliances on the Initiation of Militarized Interstate Disputes". American Journal of Political Science.
  8. (2015-10-01). "Do Alliances Really Deter?". The Journal of Politics.
  9. (2016-11-10). "Defense Pacts and Deterrence: Caveat Emptor". The Journal of Politics.
  10. Morrow, James D.. (2016-11-10). "When Do Defensive Alliances Provoke Rather than Deter?". The Journal of Politics.
  11. Leeds, Brett Ashley. (2003-01-01). "Alliance Reliability in Times of War: Explaining State Decisions to Violate Treaties". International Organization.
  12. "Analysis {{!}} Allies can't rely on America like they used to. And not just because of Trump.". Washington Post.
  13. Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. (1996-01-01). "Democratic states and commitment in international relations". International Organization.
  14. (2009-04-01). "Interests, Institutions, and the Reliability of International Commitments". American Journal of Political Science.
  15. (2004-10-01). "Why Democracies May Actually Be Less Reliable Allies". American Journal of Political Science.
  16. (2018). "Reassessing the fulfillment of alliance commitments in war". Research & Politics.
  17. (2017). "Innovation and Alliances". Review of Policy Research.
  18. (17 February 2017). "Four NATO Nations Would Pick Russia to Defend Them If Threatened".
  19. "42% от българите искат Русия да ги защитава, 17% - САЩ".
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